CLASSIC QUOTES
"If the public
knew the truth, the war would end tomorrow. But they don't know and they can't know."
-
Former British Prime Minister David Lloyd George, to Manchester Guardian editor C.P.
Scott, 1914
As quoted by Philip Knightly in his book
'The First Casualty: From the Crimea to Vietnam - Correspondent as Hero, Propagandist and Myth-maker.'
"The
Pentagon recently justified its position on censorship by insisting:
If we let people see that kind of thing, there would never again be any
war."
- from Military
Blunders article by Geoffrey Regan in Night and Day (Mail on
Sunday supplement) 23rd January 2000
"Individuals
have international duties which transcend the national obligations of
obedience
therefore [individual citizens] have the duty to violate domestic laws to
prevent crimes against peace and humanity from occurring."
- Nuremberg War Crime Tribunal, 1950
"When a
long train of abuses and usurpations [...] evinces a design to reduce them [the people]
under absolute despotism,
it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such government."
- Thomas Jefferson, US Declaration of Independence
"Why of course
the people don't want war. Why should some poor slob on a farm want to risk his life in a
war when the best he can get out of it is to come back to his farm in one piece? Naturally
the common people don't want war: neither in Russia, nor in England, nor for that matter
in Germany. That is understood. But, after all, it is the leaders of the country who
determine the policy and it is always a simple matter to drag the people along, whether it
is a democracy, or a fascist dictatorship, or a parliament, or a communist dictatorship.
Voice or no voice, the people can always be brought to the bidding of the leaders. That is
easy. All you have to do is tell them they are being attacked, and denounce the
peacemakers for lack of patriotism and exposing the country to danger. It works the same
in any country."
- Hermann Goerring
"Beware the leader who bangs the drums of war in order to whip the citizenry into
a patriotic fervor, for patriotism is indeed a double-edged sword. It both emboldens the
blood, just as it narrows the mind. And when the drums of war have reached a fever pitch
and the blood boils with hate and the mind has closed, the leader will have no need in
seizing the rights of the citizenry. Rather, the citizenry, infused with fear and blinded
by patriotism, will offer up all of their rights unto the leader and gladly so. How
do I know? For this is what I have done. And I am Caesar."
- Julius Caesar
"What land has
not seen Britain's crimson flag, the meteor of murder, but justice the plea?"
- Song lyric,
anonymous, circa. 1820
"We
must become the owners, or at any rate the controllers at the source, of at least a
proportion of the oil which we require."
- British Royal
Commission, agreeing with Winston Churchill's policy towards Iraq, 1913 [quote unconfirmed]
"What
we want to have in existence, what we ought to have been creating in this time is some
administration with Arab institutions which we can safely leave while pulling the strings
ourselves; something that won't cost very much, which the Labour government can swallow
consistent with its' principles, but under which our economic and political interests will
be secure. [.....] If the French remain in Syria we shall have to avoid giving them the
excuse of setting up a protectorate. If they go, or if we appear to be reactionary in
Mesopotamia, there is always the risk that [King] Faisal will encourage the Americans to
take over both, and it should be borne in mind that the Standard Oil company is very
anxious to take over Iraq."
- Sir Arthur
Hirtzel, Head of the British government's 'India Office Political Department.' 1919 [quote unconfirmed]
"Is there any man, is there any woman, let me say any child here, that does
not know that the seed of war in the modern world is industrial and commercial
rivalry?"
- Former US President Woodrow Wilson, 1919
"[I advocate] using poisoned gas against uncivilised tribes [and]
against recalcitrant Arabs as an experiment. [I do not understand] the squeamishness about
the use of gas [...] We cannot in any circumstamstances acquiesce in the non-utilisation
of any weapons which are available to procure a speedy termination of the disorder which
prevails on the frontier."
- Winston Churchill, then Secretary of State at the British War Office, authorising RAF
Middle East Command to attack rebelling Iraqis with chemical weapons, 1919
"By
no moral right may the ownership and control of the natural and material resources of a
territory be regarded as the absolute monopoly of the people who happened to be settled
there."
- Philip Snowden,
Labour Party Chancellor, 1921
[quote unconfirmed]
"Give
responsibility for the control of Iraq to the Royal Air Force, thus recognising the
ability of air power to maintain effective control of a mandated territory with the
maximum economy in the deployment of forces."
- Winston Churchill, Colonial
Secretary of the British 'Middle East Department of the Colonial Office', speaking at the
Cairo Conference, 1921
"The United States is the most powerful among the technically advanced
countries in the world today. Its' influence on the shaping of international relations is
absolutely incalculable. But America is a large country, and its people have so far not
shown much interest in great international problems, among which the problem of
disarmament occupies first place today.
This must be changed, if only in America's own interest. The last war has shown that there
are no longer any barriers between the continents and that the destinies of all countries
are closely interwoven. The people of this country must realize that they have a great
responsibility in the sphere of international politics. The part of passive spectator is
unworthy of this country and is bound in the end to lead to disaster all round."
- Albert Einstein, from an interview in the Nieuwe Rotterdamsche Courant, 1921
"The efficiency of the truly national leader consists mainly of
preventing the people's attention from becoming divided, and of always concentrating it on
a single enemy."
- Adolp Hitler, 'Mein Kampf' 1924
"Utter,
boorish self-centred indifference to every living human struggle is the heart and soul of
the imperialist psychology in the Labour [Party] aristocracy, looking on with contemptuous
indifference to the curious, incomprehensible inferior races."
- R. Palme Dutt,
Labour Monthly, March 1927 [quote
unconfirmed]
"The conscious and intelligent manipulation of the organized habits
and opinions of the masses is an important element in democratic society. Those who
manipulate this unseen mechanism of society constitute an invisible government which is
the true ruling power of the country. [....] We are governed, our minds are molded, our
tastes formed, our ideas suggested, largely by men we have never heard of. [....] It is
they who pull the wires which control the public mind [....] in its sum total,
[propaganda] is regimenting the public mind every bit as much as an army regiments the
bodies of its soldiers. [....] If we understand the mechanism and motives of the group
mind, is it not possible to control and regiment the masses according to our will, without
their knowing it? [....] Ours must be a leadership democracy administered by the
intelligent minority who know how to regiment and guide the masses."
- Extracts from Edward Bernays' 'Propaganda', first
published 1928
"First, they came for the socialists, and I did not speak out because
I was not a socialist. Then they came for the trade unionists, and I did not speak out
because I was not a trade unionist. Then they came for the Jews, and I did not speak out
because I was not a Jew. Then they came for me, and there was no one left to speak for
me."
- Pastor Martin Niemoller, who was arrested by the Nazis in 1937
"If
war aims are stated which seem to be solely concerned with Anglo-American imperialism,
they will offer little to people in the rest of the world. The interests of other peoples
should be stressed. This would have a better propaganda effect."
- Private memo from
The Council of Foreign Relations to the US State Department, 1941 [quote unconfirmed]
"The enemy aggressor is always
pursuing a course of larceny, murder, rapine and barbarism. We are always moving forward
with high mission, a destiny imposed by the Deity to regenerate our victims while
incidentally capturing their markets, to civilise savage and senile and paranoid peoples
while blundering accidentally into their oil wells."
- John Flynn, 1944
"The government of the world must be entrusted to satisfied nations,
who wished nothing more for themselves than what they had. If the world government were in
the hands of the hungry nations, there would always be danger. But none of us had any
reason to seek for anything more. The peace would be kept by peoples who lived in their
own way and were not ambitious. Our power placed us above the rest. We were like rich men
dwelling at peace within their habitations."
- Winston Churchill, as cited by Noam Chomsky in 'Deterring Democracy'
"By
hook or by crook the development of primary production of all sorts in the colonial
territories and dependent areas in the Commonwealth and throughout the world is a life and
death matter for the economy of this country."
- John Strachey,
Labour Party minister for Food, 1947 [quote
unconfirmed]
"Our
strategic and security interests throughout the world will be best safeguarded by the
establishment in suitable spots of 'Police Stations', fully equipped to deal with
emergencies within a large radius. Kuwait is one such spot from which Iraq, South Persia,
Saudi Arabia and the Persian Gulf could be controlled. It will be worthwhile to go to
considerable trouble and expense to establish and man a 'Police Station' there."
- British Foreign
Office, policy memo, 1947 [quote
unconfirmed]
"It is not Russian military power which is threatening us, it is
Russian political power."
- George Kennan, former Head of the
US State Department Policy Planning Staff, October 1947, echoing sentiments held by the
majority of post war planners and elected officials
We have about 50%
of the worlds wealth but only 6.3% of its population. This disparity is
particularly great as between ourselves and the peoples of Asia. In this situation
we cannot fail to be the object of envy and resentment. Our real task in the coming period
is to devise a pattern of relationships which will permit us to maintain this position of
disparity without positive detriment to our national security. To do so, we will
have to dispense with all sentimentality and day-dreaming; and our attention will have to
be concentrated everywhere on our immediate national objectives. We need not deceive
ourselves that we can afford today the luxury of altruism and world benefaction.
[....] We should cease to talk about such vague and - for the far East - unreal
objectives as human rights, the raising of living standards and democratisation. The day
is not far off when we are going to have to deal in straight power concepts. The less we
are then hampered by idealistic slogans, the better."
- George Kennan, former Head of the
US State Department Policy Planning Staff, Document PPS23, 24th February 1948,
describing policy objectives as regards the Far East, though similar attitudes prevailed
in most of the State Department as regards the rest of the world. Indeed Kennan,
considered 'liberal' in his thinking was later fired
"I came to America
because of the great, great freedom which I heard existed in this country. I made a
mistake in selecting America as a land of freedom, a mistake I cannot repair in the
balance of my lifetime."
- Albert Einstein, 1947
"Guatemala has become an increasing threat to the stability of
Honduras and El Salvador. Its' agrarian reform is a powerful propaganda weapon; its' broad
social program of aiding the workers and peasants in a victorious struggle against the
upper classes and large foreign enterprises has a strong appeal to the populations of
Central American neighbours where similar conditions prevail."
- Unidentified US State Deprartment official, 1954, cited by Noam Chomsky in 'What
Uncle Sam Really Wants'. The US overthrew the Guatemalan government later that year, the
first democratic government the country had ever had, and one that was actually modelled
on Franklin Rossevelt's 'New Deal', and installed a brutal dictatorship, with attendant
death squads, 'disappearances', mass torture and murder, which continue to this day.
"You have to pat them a little bit and make them think that you are
fond of them."
- John Foster Dulles, former US Secretary of State, describing to former President
Eisenhower how to keep Latin Americans in line, as cited by Noam Chomsky in 'What Uncle
Sam Really Wants' - quote is undated but in the context of the chapter, estimated as 1955
"The
target suffered a terminal illness before a firing squad in Baghdad."
- CIA officer
testifying to US Senate hearing, after bloody CIA aided Ba'th Party coup overthrew Iraqi
Prime Minister Abdel Kassem, 1963
"It
was an operation where all the "t"s were really crossed. It was a great
victory."
- James Critchfield,
former head of the CIA's Middle East Desk, describing their involvement in the Ba'athist
coup, 1963, quoted in 'Out of the Ashes' by Andrew and Patrick Cockburn
"Neither the foreign head
of state (the Shah) nor the President nor Dr. Kissinger desired a victory for our clients
(the Kurds). They merely hoped to ensure a level of hostilities high enough to sap the
resources of the neighbouring state (Iraq). Even in the context of covert action, ours was
a cynical enterprise."
- US Congressional Pike Report,
describing President Nixon and US Secretary of State Henry Kissingers policy of
arming the Kurds, 1972
"Covert operations should not
be confused with missionary work."
- Kissinger describing why US
withdrew aid to the Kurds, 1975
"Strikes at
population targets (per se) are likely not only to create a counterproductive wave of
revulsion abroad and at home, but greatly to increase the risk of enlarging the war with
China and the Soviet Union. Destruction of locks and dams, however if handled right
might offer promise. It should be studied. Such destruction does not kill or drown
people. By shallow-flooding the rice, it leads after time to widespread starvation (more
than a million) unless food is provided which we could offer to do at the
conference table."
- John McNaughton, US State
Department Vietnam policy, as quoted in The Mentality of the Backroom Boys.
Article by Noam Chomsky, 1973
"They are using damage caused by [US} B-52 strikes as the main theme
of their propaganda. This approach has resulted in the successful recruitment of a number
of young men. Residents [....] say that the propaganda has been effective with refugees in
areas which have been subject to B-52 strikes."
- Report by the CIA's Directorate of Operations, describing how Pol Pot used the
American bombing of Cambodia as a tool for recruiting people to the Khmer Rouge, May
2nd, 1973, as quoted by John Pilger in 'Heroes'
"The US must carry
out some act somewhere in the world which shows its determination to continue to be
a world power."
- Henry Kissinger, post-Vietnam
blues, as quoted in The Washington Post, April 1975
"In terms of the bilateral relations between the U.S. and Indonesia,
we are more or less condoning the incursion into East Timor. The United States wants to
keep its relations with Indonesia close and friendly. We regard Indonesia as a friendly,
non-aligned nation - a nation we do a lot of business with."
- Unidentified US State Department official, quoted in The Australian, 22nd January
1976. One third of the entire population of East Timor, 200,000, was murdered by the
Indonesian army, a genocide comparable, possibly worse, than Pol Pot's in Cambodia.
"A US commitment to
the defence of the oil resources of the gulf, and to political stability in the region
constitutes one of the most vital and enduring interests of the United States."
- Conclusion of US Senator Henry
Jackson's Energy and Natural Resources Committee, 1977
"Though they spoke of terrible human suffering, reality was sealed off
by their trite, lifeless vernacular: 'capabilities', 'objectives', 'our chips',
'giveaway'. It was a matter, too, of culture and style. They spoke with the cool,
deliberate detachment of men who believe the banishment of feeling renders them wise and,
more important, credible to other men. [....] They neither understood the foreign policy
they were dealing with, nor were deeply moved by the bloodshed and suffering they
administered to their stereotypes."
- Roger Morris, former US State Department staff member, describing Kissinger et al and
their attitude to Vietnam and Cambodia, as quoted by John Pilger in 'Heroes'
"You have a
survivability of command in control, survivability of industrial potential, protection of
a percentage of your citizens, and you have a capability that inflicts more damage on the
opposition than it can inflict on you. That's the way you can have a winner."
- George Bush Sr., explaining how to
win a nuclear war to Los Angeles Times reporter Robert Scheer, 1980
"To put it in terms
of a Chinese dialectic, United States policy is exactly to squeeze Vietnam to rely on the
Soviet Union: then Vietnam will find the Soviet Union can not meet all its' needs. [....]
If Vietnam suffers economic hardships, I think that is just great."
- Roger Sullivan, US National
Security Council, addressing a US delegation who had travelled to the White House with a
petition requesting the US Government to allow humanitarian assistance to be sent to
Vietnam, as quoted by Anthony Barrett, The New Statesman, August 22nd 1980
"It would not have
been possible for a political party to be more committed to a national home for the Jews
in Palestine than was Labour."
- Harold Wilson, former British
Labour Party Prime Minister, 1981
"The American
system is the most ingenious system of control in world history. With a country so rich in
natural resources, talent and labour power the system can afford to distribute just enough
wealth to just enough people to limit discontent to a troublesome minority. It is a
country so powerful, so big, so pleasing to so many of its citizens that it can
afford to give freedom of dissent to the small number who are not pleased. There is no
system of control with more openings, apertures, flexibilities, rewards for the chosen.
[
] There is none that disperses its control more complexly through the voting
system, the work situation, the church, the family, the school, the mass media none
more successful in mollifying opposition with reforms, isolating people from one another,
creating patriotic loyalty."
- Howard Zinn, from A
Peoples History of the United States, first published 1981
"One hundred
nations in the UN have not agreed with us on just about everything that's come before
them, where we're involved, and it didn't upset my breakfast at all."
- Ronald Reagan, former US
President, basking in the triumph that was the US invasion of Grenada, 1983
Q. "Mr. President,
have you approved of covert activity to destablise the present government of
Nicaragua?"
A. "Well, no, we're
supporting them, the - oh, wait a minute, wait a minute, I'm sorry, I was thinking of El
Salvador, because of the previous, when you said Nicaragua. Here again, this is something
upon which the national security interests, I just - I will not comment."
- Ronald Reagan, former US
President, Washington press conference, February 13th 1983, as quoted by John Pilger in
'Heroes'
" '[George] Kennan applied the same ideas to Latin
America in a briefing for Latin American ambassadors in which he explained that one of the
main concerns of US policy is the:
'
protection of our raw materials.'
Who must we protect our raw materials from? Well, primarily the domestic
populations, the indigenous population, which may have ideas of their own about raising
the living standards, democratisation and human rights. And that's inconsistent with
maintaining the disparity. How will we protect our raw materials from the indigenous
population. Well, the answer is the following:
"The final answer might be an unpleasant one, but
we should not hesitate before
police repression by the local government. This is not shameful, since the communists are
essentially traitors. It is better to have a strong regime in power than a liberal
government if it is indulgent and relaxed and penetrated by Communists."
Well, who are the communists? 'Communists' is a term regularly used in
American political theology to refer to people who are committed to the belief that:
'
.the government has direct responsibility for the welfare of the people.'
I'm quoting the words of a 1949 State Department intelligence report which
warned about the spread of this grim and evil doctrine.' "
- Noam Chomsky, 'Intervention in Vietnam and Central America: Parallels and Differences',
1st published 1985
"You Americans, you treat the Third World in the way an Iraqi peasant
treats his new bride. Three days of honeymoon, and then its off to the fields."
- Saddam Hussein, at a 1985 meeting with US State Department officials, as later quoted
in the Los Angeles Times, February 10th 1991
"After seeing 'RAMBO' last
night, I know what to do the next time this happens."
- Ronald Reagan, former US President, as
reported by Daily Express, July 2nd 1985
"Pictures of dead children don't go down well in the US."
- Unidentified US official, in an article describing the Reagan administration's
support for the Contras in Nicaragua, specifically their request that the Contras refrain
from using pressure-triggered mines that killed indiscriminately, Time Magazine, November
3rd 1986
"Negotiations are a euphemism for capitulation if the shadow of power
is not cast across the bargaining table. [There is no] utopian, legalistic means like
outside mediation, the United Nations, and the World Court, while ignoring the power
element of the equation."
- George Schultz, former US Secretary of State, April 14th 1986, as cited in 'Rogue
States', article by Noam Chomsky, 1999
"One of the things we would
like to do is that we would like to become actively engaged in ending the [Iran/Iraq] war
in such a way that it becomes very evident to everybody that the guy who is causing the
problem is Saddam Hussein. If I were to talk to any other Muslim leader, they
wouldnt say Saddam Hussein is the problem. Theyd say Iran is the
problem
What were talking about is a process by which all of the rest of
the Arab world comes quickly to realise that Iran is not a threat to them, Iran is not
going to overrun Kuwait. Iran is not going to overthrow the government of Saudi Arabia.
That the real problem in preventing peace in the region is Saddam Hussein. And well
have to take care of that".
- Colonel Oliver North, US
Congressional Iran/Contra Hearings - 1987, North's personal tape of a conversation with
Iran/Contra players Richard Secord, Albert Hakim and an Iranian government official in
Frankfurt, 1985. North claimed in the hearings that he was lying to the Iranians.
"One of
our few remaining hopes is that democrats and those who cherish values of justice, peace
and freedom will voice their concern for the plight of the Kurds."
- Kurdish Leaders in
a letter to Margaret Thatcher following the gassing of Kurds at Halabja, 16th August 1988.
A British £340 million export credit deal with Iraq went through on September 5th 1988.
"[Eastern Europeans are] luckier than Central Americans [because]
while the Moscow imposed government in Prague would degrade and huniliate reformers, the
Washington made government in Guatemala would kill them. It still does, in a virtual
genocide that has taken more then 150,000 victims. [....] One is tempted to believe that
some people in the Whitehouse worship Aztec Gods - with the offering of Central American
blood."
- Julio Godoy, former journalist for Guatemalan newspaper 'La Epoca', writing in 1989,
the year after the paper's offices were blown up by government forces.
"Baghdad should
not be expected to deliberately provoke military confrontations with anyone. Its
interests are best served now and in the immediate future by peace. Revenues from oil
sales could put it in the front ranks of nations economically. A stable Middle East is
conducive to selling oil; disruption has a long-range adverse effect on the oil market
which would hurt Iraq. Force is only likely if the Iraqis feel seriously threatened. It is
our belief that Iraq is basically committed to a non aggressive strategy, and that it
will, over the course of the next few years, considerably reduce the size of its
military. Economic conditions practically mandate such action. There seems no doubt that
Iraq would like to demobilise now that the war [with Iran] has ended. The Baath
Party argue that they should be allowed to invest in economic recovery and
industrialisation so that they can become productive again and pay off their debts."
- Iraqi
Power and US Security in the Middle East, a study issued in February 1990 by the
Strategic Studies Institute of the US Army War College
"Secure supplies of energy are essential to our prosperity and
security. The concentration of 65 percent of the world's known oil reserves in the Persian
Gulf means we must continue to ensure reliable access to competitively priced oil and a
prompt, adequate response to any major oil supply disruption."
- from 'National Security Strategy of the United States', White House publication,
March 1990
"HANGED MAN WAS A
ROBBER" - The Sun newspaper headline; story reportedly provided by Ml5
"WHEN INNOCENCE CAN EQUAL
GUILT" - The Sunday Telegraph editorial
- March 1990, after Iraq arrested
and later executed British journalist Farzad Bazoft, as he investigated explosions in a
factory near Baghdad thought to be manufacturing missiles. As a student ten years earlier,
Bazoft had stolen £500 from a building society, and served six months in jail.
"Aerosol DU
(Depleted Uranium) exposures to soldiers on the battlefield could be significant with
potential radiological and toxicological effects. [...] Under combat conditions, the most
exposed individuals are probably ground troops that re-enter a battlefield following the
exchange of armour-piercing munitions. [...] We are simply highlighting the potential for
levels of DU exposure to military personnel during combat that would be unacceptable
during peacetime operations. [...DU is..]... a low level alpha radiation emitter which is
linked to cancer when exposures are internal, [and] chemical toxicity causing kidney
damage. [...] Short term effects of high doses can result in death, while long term
effects of low doses have been linked to cancer. [...] Our conclusion regarding the health
and environmental acceptability of DU penetrators assume both controlled use and the
presence of excellent health physics management practices. Combat conditions will lead to
the uncontrolled release of DU. [...] The conditions of the battlefield, and the long term
health risks to natives and combat veterans may become issues in the acceptability of the
continued use of DU kinetic penetrators for military applications."
- excerpts from the July 1990
Science and Applications International Corporation report: ' Kinetic Energy Penetrator
Environment and Health Considerations', as included in Appenix D - US Army Armaments,
Munitions and Chemical Command report: 'Kinetic Energy Penetrator Long Term Strategy
Study, July 1990'
These documents state clearly and
equivocally that the US army was well aware of the radioactive and toxic dangers of
Depleted Uranium ammunition long before the first shots of the war were fired.
"We do not have
any defence treaties with Kuwait, and there are no special defence or security commitments
to Kuwait."
- Margaret Tutweiller,
US State Department spokeswoman, 24th July 1990, nine days before Iraq's invasion of
Kuwait
"President Bush is an
intelligent man. He is not going to declare an economic war against Iraq. [
] I
admire your extraordinary efforts to rebuild your country. I know you need funds. We
understand that, and our opinion is that you should have the opportunity to rebuild your
country. But we have no opinion on Arab-Arab conflicts like your border disagreement with
Kuwait. James Baker [US Secretary of State] has directed our official spokesmen to
emphasise this instruction [
] when we see the Iraqi point of view that the measures
taken by the United Arab Emirates and Kuwait are, in the final analysis, tantamount to
military aggression against Iraq, then it is reasonable for me to be concerned."
- April Glaspie, US Ambassador
to Iraq, in conversation with Saddam Hussein, US State Department transcripts, 25th July
1990, eight days before the invasion
HAMILTON: "Do we have
a commitment to our friends in the Gulf in the event that they are engaged in oil or
territorial disputes with their neighbours?"
KELLY: "As I said, Mr. Chairman, we have no defence treaty relationships
with any of the countries. We have historically avoided taking a position on border
disputes or on internal OPEC deliberations, but we certainly, as have all administrations,
resoundingly called for the peaceful settlement of disputes and differences in the
area."
HAMILTON: "If Iraq,
for example, charged across the border into Kuwait, for whatever reason, what would be our
position with regard to the use of US forces?"
KELLY: "That, Mr.
Chairman, is a hypothetical or a contingency, the kind of which I can't get into. Suffice
it to say, we would be extremely concerned, but I can not get into the realm of 'what
if...' answers."
HAMILTON: "In that
circumstance, is it correct to say, however, that we do not have a treaty commitment which
would obligate us to engage US forces?"
KELLY: "That is
correct."
- Question and answer session
between US Assistant Secretary of State for Near Eastern Affairs John Kelly and
Representative Lee Hamilton, July 31st 1990, two days before the invasion. French
researcher Pierre Salinger claimed in his 1991 book 'Secret Dossier - The Hidden Agenda
behind the Gulf War' that this exchange was broadcast on the BBC World Service and heard
in Iraq.
"Obviously, I didn't
think, and nobody else did, that the Iraqis were going to take ALL of Kuwait."
- April Glaspie, accidentally
revealing US compicity, interview with The New York Times, 20th September 1990, seven
weeks after the invasion
"Just watch.
Everything
everything."
- George Bush, in
response to press enquiry if US enforcement of sanctions would include food and
essentials, 14th August 1990
"We agreed with the American
side that it was important to take advantage of the deteriorating economic situation in
Iraq in order to put pressure on that countrys government to delineate our common
border. The CIA gave us its' view of appropriate means of pressure, saying that broad
co-operation should be initiated between us, on condition that such activities are
co-ordinated at a high level."
- Memo submitted by
Iraq to the UN in late August 1990, after their invasion of Kuwait. Dated 22nd November
1989, it was a record of a meeting between William Webster, Director of the CIA, and
Kuwaiti officials. The CIA disputed the memos authenticity, but many experts have
since vouched that it was genuine.
"That's
a nice list of targets, but that's not enough. [...] [It is also important to
target] ...what is unique about Iraqi culture, that they put very high value on, that
psychologically would make an impact on the population and regime. [
.] If push came
to shove, the cutting edge would be downtown Baghdad. If I want to hurt you, it would be
at home, not out in the woods someplace."
- General Michael Dugan, US Airforce
Chief of Staff , as quoted in The Washington Post, 15th September 1990. He was removed
from his post shortly afterwards by US Secretary of Defence Dick Cheney, describing
Dugan's comments as '...inappropriate...'
"Were dealing with Hitler revisited."
- Former US President George Bush, describing Saddam Hussein, October 15th, 1990. Bush
later retracted the statement under criticism that it belittled the Holocaust.
"That was the most expensive
no vote you ever cast."
- US Ambassador Pickering to Yemeni
Ambassador Abdallah Saleh al-Ashtol, after Yemen voted against Resolution 678, 29th
November 1990. The US $70 million aid package to Yemen was cancelled the following day.
900,000 Yemeni migrant workers were later expelled from Saudi Arabia and Kuwait. Yemen's
economy was devastated as a result.
"We have only friendship for
the people in Iraq."
- George Bush, November 1990
"Every Iraqi soldier
bleeding from every orifice....."
- General Norman Schwarzkopf,
describing his war aims, November 1990
"We didnt see anything to
indicate an Iraqi force in Kuwait of even 20% the size the administration claimed."
- Peter Zimmerman, formerly of the
US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, and an unidentified Defence Intelligence Agency
analyst, examining Soviet Satellite photos of the allegedly huge Iraqi troop build up,
article by Jean Heller 'Public doesn't get the picture with satellite photos', The St.
Petersburg Times, 6th January 1991
"It is said by some that you do
not understand just how isolated Iraq is and what Iraq faces as a result
but
unless you withdraw from Kuwait completely and without condition, you will lose more than
Kuwait
the choice is yours to make. What is at stake demands that no
opportunity be lost to avoid a certain calamity for the people of Iraq [....] Iraq is
already feeling the sanctions mandated by the UN. Should war come, it would be a far
greater tragedy for you and your country [....] I write this letter not to threaten, but
to inform."
- George Bushs letter to
Saddam Hussein, 9th January 1991
"I would like to tell you in
all sincerity and seriousness that we would have no problems implementing legitimacy and
the rules of justice and fairness if these principles were to be honoured with regard to
all regional conflicts. [
.] However, we do not want to see these principles
implemented with regard to a single issue
.this would mean double standards were at
work. If you are willing to work to achieve peace, justice, stability and security in the
whole region, then you would find us at the forefront of those willing to co-operate with
you in this regard."
- Tariq Aziz, Iraqi Foreign
minister, in conversation with US Secretary of State James Baker in Geneva, 9th January
1991. Baker announced at the press conference afterwards: "The conclusion
is clear. Saddam Hussein continues to reject a diplomatic solution."
"If Kuwait grew carrots, we wouldn't give a damn."
- Lawrence Korb, former US Assistant Secretary of Defence, January 1991
"I venture to say that if Kuwait produced bananas, instead of oil, we
would not have 400,000 American troops there today."
- US Congressman Stokes (Ohio), 12th January 1991
"[Bombing missions
were a] turkey shoot
its almost like you flipped on the light in the kitchen at
night and the cockroaches start scurrying, and were killing them."
- US Pilot Colonel Richard White,
quoted in The Independent, 6th February 1991
"It wasn't really a war. A war is
when TWO armies are fighting."
- Bill Hicks, American comedian, from the album 'RELENTLESS',
released in 1992
"It's a paradox that the UN, who authorised the use of force in the
Gulf, are totally unable to stop it."
"The American military machine is in full flood....diplomacy has gone out of the
window. The Americans have got the ability, with the British, to drag this out at the
United Nations. They've got the ability to interpret United Nations Resolutions as they
want, until they are satisfied that they have destroyed the Iraqi military machine. And
it's quite clear, from talking to UN delegates here that that's absolutely what they
intend to do."
"I'm up at the United Nations at the moment, which is due to go into session fifteen
minutes ago and hasn't. Quite frankly the United Nations doesn't matter anymore. Somebody
said to me a couple of hours ago, perhaps they should sell the building for the time being
to the Japanese, and they can turn it into a pizza parlour. And they were serious."
- Keith Graves, UN correspondent for the BBC, three separate reports for BBC television
news, February 27th-29th 1991
"There has been and continues to be a
concern regarding the impact of DU on the environment. Therefore, if no-one makes a case
for the effectiveness of DU on the battlefield, DU rounds may become politically
unacceptable and thus be deleted from the arsenal. I believe we should keep this sensitive
issue in mind when action reports are written."
- Lt. Col. M.V. Ziehmn, Los
Alamos National Laboratory memorandum, 1st March 1991
"Political meetings with them would not be appropriate for our policy
at this time."
- Richard Boucher, US State Department spokesman, 14th March 1991, in reference to the
US refusal to even meet with the Iraqi democratic opposition leaders whilst the Iraqi
rebellion was brutally crushed in the South of the country
"This is a new kind of
war which understands and takes advantage of technological advances. The situation is
deteriorating rapidly and it will get worse in the months ahead."
- Save The Children Iraq
Situation Report, March 1991
"You asked me to travel,
as a matter of urgency, to Iraq. It should be said at once that nothing we had seen or
read had quite prepared us for this particular form of devastation which has now befallen
the country. [...] Most means of modern life have been destroyed. [...] The authorities
are as yet scarcely able to measure the dimensions of the calamity, much less respond to
its' consequences. The recent conflict has wrought near apocalyptic results; Iraq has been
relegated to a pre-industrial age.
All electrically operated
installations have ceased to function. Food can not be preserved, water can not be
purified, sewage can not be pumped away. Nine thousand homes are destroyed or damaged
beyond repair. The flow of food through the private sector has been reduced to a trickle;
many food prices are already beyond the purchasing power of most Iraqi families. The
mission recommends that sanctions in respect of food supplies should be immediately
removed.
Drastic international measures
are most urgent. The Iraqi people face further catastrophe, epidemic and famine, if
massive life supporting needs are not met. The long summer is only weeks away. Time is
short."
- Martti Ahtisaari, UN Under
Secretary for Administration and Management, March 20th 1991. Ahtisaari was the first UN
official to visit post-war Iraq.
"The time of reconstruction and
recovery should not be the occasion for vengeful actions against a nation forced to war as
a result of a dictator's ambition."
- James Baker, US Secretary
of State, addressing US Congress, March 1991
"That's not really a number I'm
terribly interested in."
- General Colin Powell,
Chairman of the US Joint Chiefs of Staff, on being asked his assessment of Iraqi military
and civilian casualties, April 1991
"In every city we visited, we
documented severe damage to homes, electrical plants, fuel storage facilities, civilian
factories, hospitals, churches, civilian airports, vehicles, transportation facilities,
food storage and food testing laboratories, grain silos, animal vaccination centres,
schools, communication towers, civilian government office buildings, and stores. Almost
all facilities we saw had been bombed two or three times, ensuring that they could not be
repaired. Most of the bridges we saw had been bombed from both ends."
- Adeeb Abed and Gavrielle
Gemma, Independent Commission of Inquiry staff members, fact find finding trip to Iraq,
April 3rd-14th 1991
"All possible
sanctions will be maintained until Saddam Hussein is gone."
- Marlin Fitzwater,
White House Press Spokesman, May 1991
"Iraqis will be made to pay the
price while Saddam Hussein is in power. Any easing of sanctions will be considered only
when there is a new government."
- Robert Gates, US National Security
Advisor, Los Angeles Times, 9th May 1991
"[Britain will veto
any UN attempt to weaken sanctions] for so long as Saddam Hussein remains in power."
- John Major, British Prime
Minister, 10th May 1991
"Gulf lesson one is the value
of air power...[....]...it was right on target from day one. The Gulf war taught us that
we must retain combat superiority in the skies. [....] Our air strikes were the most
effective, yet humane, in the history of warfare."
- George Bush, 29th May 1991
"Many of the targets were
chosen only secondarily to contribute to the military defeat of Iraq. [...] Military
planners hoped the bombing would amplify the economic and psychological impact of
international sanctions on Iraqi society. [....] Because of these goals, damage to
civilian structures and interests, invariably described by briefers during the war as
'collateral' and unintended, were sometimes neither. [....] They deliberately did great
harm to Iraq's ability to support itself as an industrial society."
- from
'Allied Air War Struck Broadly in Iraq; Officials Acknowledge Strategy Went Beyond Purely
Military Targets,' Article by
Barton Gellman, The Washington Post, 23rd June 1991
"Saddam Hussein can not restore
his own electricity. He needs help. If there are political objectives that the UN
coalition has, it can say: 'Saddam, when you agree to do these things, we will allow
people to come in and fix your electricity.' It gives us long-term leverage."
- US Colonel John A. Warden
III, as quoted in Gellman's artcicle, The Washington Post, 23rd June 1991
"What were we trying to do with
the sanctions? Help out the Iraqi people? No, what we were doing with the attacks on the
infrastructure was to accelerate the effect of sanctions."
- Unidentified Pentagon
planner, as quoted in Gellman's article, The Washington Post, 23rd June 1991
"There is a clear and
undeniable humanitarian need in Iraq. It is absurd and indefensible for the UN to pay for
these needs when numerous other urgent crises and disasters, from Bangladesh to the Horn
of Africa, cry out for our attention. Iraq has considerable oil reserves and should pay to
meet these needs itself."
- UN field study of water and
sanitation, food, health and energy; submitted by the Secretary General to the Sanctions
Committee, 22nd July 1991
"Sooner or later, Mr. Bush argued, sanctions would force Mr. Hussein's generals to
bring him down, and then Washington would have the best of all worlds: an iron-fisted
Iraqi junta without Saddam Hussein. [A return to the days when Saddam's] iron fist held
Iraq together, much to the satisfaction of the American allies Turkey and Saudi
Arabia."
- Thomas Friedman, article in The New York Times, July 1991. Two years later,
in a rare moment of brutal honesty, Friedman wrote : "It has always been
American policy that the iron-fisted Mr. Hussein plays a useful role in holding Iraq
together."
"[Iraq is like a medieval city
under siege]
.cut off from outside assistance; its population deprived of
adequate food, water, medical care and the means to produce for its subsistence, is
condemned to perish. It is only a matter of time."
- Warren J. Hamerman, International
Progress Organisation, in testimony before the UN Organisation on Prevention of
Discrimination and Protection of Minorities 43rd session, 13th August
1991
"Unless sanctions are eased
quickly, Iraq will face malnutrition, disease and a food emergency unprecedented in modern
times."
- Michael Priestly, UN official,
quoted in The Independent, 3rd September 1991
"Is it your aim to destroy
Iraqi industry or implement resolution 687? If your aim is to carry out 687, then you have
our approval. But if your objective is to annihilate Iraqi industry and deny Iraq the
chance of becoming a prosperous industrial country, that would be a different
matter."
- Tariq Aziz, Deputy Iraqi Prime
Minster, statement published in Baghdad newspapers in response to continued US threats of
new attacks if Iraq fails to comply with weapons disclosure, October 1991
"In the most lackadaisical
and morally laid back way, we are killing people
..small, brown children beyond the
reach of our shrivelled imaginations."
- Edward Pearce, Journalist, article
in The Guardian entitled Death and Indecency in a time of Cholera,
25th October 1991
"Millions of innocent people
are suffering and that is intolerable. They are the last in the nutcracker. They have not
been able to influence events, but my God they are being squeezed. [
] There is no
way the infrastructural problems can be solved by the agencies alone."
- Lord Judd, director of OXFAM, 20th
November 1991
"The US has always regarded
international laws as an annoying encumbrance, unless they can be used to advantage
against an enemy."
- Professor Noam Chomsky, Author,
Deterring Democracy 1991
"What has been destroyed is
through the peaceful means of inspection. It is that way to destroy weapons, and not
through bombing and attacks."
- Rolf Ekeus, UNSCOM Weapons
Inspectors Chairman, March 1992
"[The need for the agreement of
every member of the Committee]
.makes the work much more difficult
you
could not necessarily respond very efficiently to the needs of the population."
- Peter Hohenfeller, Former Chairman
of the Sanctions Committee, May 20th 1992
"Unborn children of the region
[are] being asked to pay the highest price, the integrity of their DNA.
- Ross B. Mirkarimi, The Arms
Control Research Centre, from his report: The Environmental and Human Health Impacts
of the Gulf Region with Special Reference to Iraq. May 1992
"The results of our study
contradict this claim [that use of precision weapons had produced limited damage to the
civilian population] and confirm that the casualties of war extend far beyond those caused
directly by warfare."
- Dr. Eric Hoskins, Harvard
University health specialist, in his report Children, War and Sanctions, June 1992
"The situation which the Iraqi people is
suffering is extremely tragic
..all the medical contributions of humanitarian
organisations and bodies meet only a small proportion of the actual needs of drugs and
medical services. [
] It appears that the work of the Sanctions Committee and the way
it performs the tasks entrusted to it under the provision of SCR 661 are orientated
towards the obstruction or rejection of any request by Iraq that enters into the area of
essential civilian needs of a humanitarian nature, which has led to the increasing danger
faced by vulnerable categories."
- Iraqi UN Ambassador Abd al-Amir al-Anbari,
report to the UN Secretary General of a study prepared by the Iraqi Ministry of Foreign
Affairs on the workings of the Sanctions Committee, July 1992
" [There is]
nothing to prevent the
Iraqi government using its' own resources to pay for humanitarian supplies."
- Douglas Hogg, Minister of State at the
British Foreign Office, February 1993. Hogg does not mention that all Iraqi exports are
still prohibited and all assets still frozen.
"The measures taken by the world
community are not aimed at the Iraqi people. Iraq may import, and indeed does, foodstuffs,
medicines and essential civilian consumer goods."
- Ronald Newman, head of the Northern Gulf
Bureau of the US State Department, February 1993
"Three years of sanctions have created
circumstances in Iraq where the majority of the civilian population are now living in
poverty. The greatest threat to the health and well-being of the Iraqi people remains the
difficult economic conditions created by internationally mandated sanctions and by the
infrastructural damage wrought in the 1991 military conflict. [
] One fundamental
contradiction remains: that politically motivated sanctions (which by definition are
imposed to create hardship) can not be implemented in a manner which spares the
vulnerable."
- Dr. Eric Hoskins, UNICEF commissioned
report, later shelved, February 1993
"It is inconceivable that Saddam Hussein
could remain in power if he complied with all UN resolutions."
- Dee Dee Myers, Whitehouse spokeswoman,
March 1993
"[To swallow the US
case]
as it stands requires a leap of faith and a complete suspension of political
cynicism."
- The New York Times, commenting on Madeleine Albrights attempts
to justify the latest Cruise missile attacks, June 27th 1993
"We will not hesitate to
use force if necessary
..[but the West]
has no quarrel with the Iraqi people.
They have suffered enough."
- Douglas Hurd, British Secretary of State for
Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, June 1993
"It is a country whose economy has been
devastated
.above all by the continued sanctions
.which have virtually paralysed
the whole economy and generated persistent deprivation, chronic hunger, endemic
under-nutrition, massive unemployment and widespread human suffering. A vast majority of
the Iraqi population is living under the most deplorable conditions and is simply engaged
in a struggle for survival. A grave humanitarian tragedy is unfolding
.the
nutritional status of the population continues to deteriorate at an alarming rate. Large
numbers of Iraqis now have food intakes lower than those populations in the disaster
stricken African countries."
- Food and Agriculture Organisation / World Food
Programme report 'Food Supply Situation and Crop Outlook in Iraq', July 1993
"[Iraq is]
18.8 million people in a
refugee camp, one third of which are children of whom at least 100,000 are now
dead, not from war but from hunger."
- Health expert Dr. Salman Rawaf, July 1993
"We do not believe that an independent Kurdistan is
possible."
- Douglas Hurd, on Turkish television, January 1994
"Our interests lie in reverting to Soviet alliances [with
Iraq] because thats where the money is."
- Unidentified Russian diplomat, January 1994, quoted in
The Scourging of Iraq by Geoff Simons.
"The claim by the Western governments that food and drugs
flow freely into Iraq is not true. I have seen telexes and documents that showed clearly
that the British and the American government interfered with the flow of crucial drugs
into Iraq. That is unquestionable. [
..The sanctions] would not be lifted even if
Iraq satisfies the UN Security Council on every single sanction report
.the Americans
are making it clear that the sanctions are not going to be lifted under any
circumstances."
- Tim Llewellyn, BBC Middle East correspondent speaking at a
meeting of the Council for the Advancement of Arab-British Understanding, 16th February
1994
"The Iraqi government complies with UN resolutions not
because they have seen the error of their ways, but because they are in such desperate
straits."
- Unidentified Western diplomat, March 1994, quoted in The
Scourging of Iraq by Geoff Simons
"The stakes are too high to give Mr.
Hussein the benefit of the doubt, or to let our policy be dictated by commercial interests
or simple fatigue. [Compliance with UN resolutions is] a cynical tactic."
- Warren Christopher, US Secretary of State,
29th April 1994
"Working in paediatric departments in
Iraq has become a daily nightmare. Hospitals depend entirely on irregular and spasmodic
donations brought in by charities which are like a drop of water on parched earth. In the
diabetic clinic we have to divide four small bottles of insulin between 20 or 30 children
while trying to clam their parents terror. For children with leukaemia to begin
treatment, parents are forced to send money to buy drugs from Jordan. Parents sell their
belongings and even their homes, and after bringing in the drugs the children are dying
from uncontrolled infection."
- Dr. Harvey Marcovitch, British physician,
in a letter to The Times: Saddams atrocity
or ours? and quoting an
Iraqi doctor, May 31st 1994
"The difficulty with cut-off points is
that all the Iraqis have to do is sit back and be good boys.
- Unidentified British official, September 13th 1994, quoted in The Scourging
of Iraq by Geoff Simons after Rolf Ekeus of UNSCOM announces his intention to
commence a six month weapons monitoring period, after a which a recommendation for lifting
sanctions could be made.
"We do want Iraq to see light at the end
of the tunnel
without progress Iraq can conclude it is not worth
co-operating."
- Rolf Ekeus, UNSCOM, September 1994
"Before any individual or company can
talk to an Iraqi buyer, they must apply for a licence to negotiate. Licences to negotiate
can take three to four weeks to issue. Only when the licence is issued can you start
talking without breaking the law. Once the buyer and seller agree [a price] the seller
must then apply for a supply licence, which can take up to twenty weeks to issue. In the
meantime the Iraqi Dinar is suffering daily devaluation and inflation beyond control.
Twenty weeks later the seller receives the supply licence by which time the buyers
situation has changed. This forces the buyer to cancel the order, or, at best, reduce the
quality or quantity of the goods in order to raise the hard currency needed to finance the
purchase. But [the Sanctions Committee insist that] any change to the application means
that the entire process must start again."
- Unidentified British businessman describes
the tortuous process of attempting to send medical supplies to Iraq, October 1994, quoted
in The Scourging of Iraq by Geoff Simons
"We will not allow Saddam Hussein to
defy the will of the US and the international community."
- Bill Clinton, 6th October 1994
"They [the Iraqis] have done an
excellent job. Our commission is convinced its all over. It is watertight. We have
faith in the work we have done."
- Jaako Ylitalo, Chief UNSCOM field officer
in Baghdad, 13th October 1994
"[There would still be an]
Iraqi
threat when British and American soldiers have gone home
..Saddams mailed fist
will still be over Kuwait and her neighbours."
- Douglas Hurd, in response to Iraqs
official recognition of Kuwait as a sovereign state, 15th October 1994
"There is no occasion for doing Saddam
Hussein any favours at the present time."
- Warren Christopher, whilst the US threatens
Iraq with fresh air attacks, 16th October 1994
"We recognise this area as vital
to US interests and we will behave, with others, multilaterally when we can and
unilaterally when we must."
- Madeleine Albright, US Ambassador to the
UN, describing unauthorised bombing and air patrols of Iraq by US aircraft to the UN
Security Council, 21st October 1994
"Sanctions will never be lifted because
the US and Britain do not trust Saddam not to pose a threat."
"[Sanctions cannot be lifted]
whatever the degree of Iraqi compliance with UN resolutions as long as President
Saddam remains in power."
"Washington is determined to maintain
sanctions and avoid discussion of the underlying issues."
- Two articles in The Guardian and one from
Gulf Newsletter, November 1994
"A severe deterioration is detectable in
all the hospitals visited by MAI. The team had not expected to see such an extreme
reduction of resources, given the desperate situation of the hospitals in April; further
deterioration had been hard to imagine. Basic medicines are absent, routine surgery
impossible, and more and more equipment is breaking down and put out of use because of the
unavailability of spare parts. Children are referred to Baghdad because treatment is
unavailable at their local hospital, but the Baghdad hospitals can not provide for them
either."
- Medical Aid For Iraq report, December 1994
" [Not]
a timely
action
.neither helpful nor constructive
"
- Christine Shelley, US State Department
spokeswoman, rebuking a French initiative to lift sanctions, 6th January 1995
"This is a leopard that has not changed
its spots. Pressure has got us to where we are now and it needs to be
maintained."
- Unidentified British Foreign Office
official, in response to French initiative, 24th February 1995
"Any modification of the sanctions
regime that ameliorates the pressure that Saddam Hussein must feel is not at this time
warranted."
- Mike McCurry, Whitehouse Spokesman, March
1995
"We are determined to ensure that the
whole of Iraqs biological capability is detected and destroyed before there can be
any question of adjustment to the sanctions regime
.we shall continue with good
reason to approach sanctions rigorously in the interest of Iraqs peoples."
- John Major, British Prime Minister, March
1995
"Being in casualty is like living in a
nightmare. The severe shortage of drugs means we can do very little to help. Children die
in front of me. The parents ask why and I can not answer them. Each night I pray for the
embargo to be lifted."
- Dr. Tariq Abbas Hady, quoted in an article
in The Sunday Times, 12th March 1995
"[There is no point in adopting a
resolution merely as]
..a public relations tool enabling the US and Britain to
continue blaming Iraq for hardships caused by sanctions."
- Unidentified French and Russian diplomats
describe Resolution 986 (The Oil-For-Food Programme), quoted in The Independent, 14th April 1995
"Our conclusion, and what we will
present to the Security Council, is that we feel confident that, with the exception of the
biological area, Iraq will not be able to develop any weapons of mass destruction or long
range missiles without being detected by the international controls."
- Rolf Ekeus, May 1995
"Soldiers may be incidentally exposed to
DU from dust and smoke on the battlefield. The Army Surgeon General has determined that it
is unlikely that these soldiers will receive a significant internal DU exposure. Medical
follow-up is not warranted for soldiers who experience incidental exposure from dust or
smoke."
"Since DU weapons are openly available
on the world arms market, DU weapons will be used in future conflicts. The number of DU
patients on future battlefields probably will be significantly higher because other
countries will use systems containing DU."
"DU is a low-level radioactive waste,
and, therefore, must be disposed of in a licensed repository."
"No international law, treaty,
regulation, or custom requires the United States to remediate the Persian Gulf war
battlefields."
- Bewildering and contradictory
excerpts from the SAME report by the US Army Environmental Policy Institute:
'Health and Consequences of Depleted Uranium use in the US army', June 1995
"This is a matter that we do not
contemplate because we are with the people of Iraq as much as we can until the long night
of their suffering ends."
- King Hussein of Jordan, in response to US
pressure to close his border with Iraq, 18th August 1995
"The Iraqi leadership declared to me
that its policy from now on is 100% implementation of the cease-fire arrangements.
[SCR 687] So, with that, the Security Council, all members without exception, should have
no choice about lifting the embargo."
- Rolf Ekeus, quoted in The Times, 24th August 1995
I am filled with shame
and anger at myself, at my cowardice, my silence, my complicity with those, who, despite
their claims to the contrary, have killed hundreds of thousands of civilians, without
incurring the wrath of the [war crimes] tribunal of The Hague, implacably going about
their dirty, evil work.
- Yves Bonnet, Deputy French
Prime Minister, describing a recent visit to Iraq, 25th August 1995
"Alarming food shortages
are causing irreparable damage to an entire generation of Iraqi children. After 24 years
in the field, mostly in Africa starting with Biafra, I didnt think anything could
shock me, but this was comparable to the worst scenarios I have ever seen."
- Dieter Hannusch, Chief
Emergency Support Officer, World Food Programme, WFP news update 26th September 1995
"There are actually more
than four million people, a fifth of Iraqs population, at severe nutritional risk.
That number includes 2.4 million children under five, about 600,000 pregnant/nursing women
and destitute women heads of households, as well as hundreds of thousands of elderly
without anyone to help them. 70% of the population has little or no access to
food
..nearly everyone seems to be emaciated. We are at the point of no return in
Iraq. The social fabric of the nation is disintegrating. People have exhausted their
ability to cope."
- Mona Hamman, WFP Regional
Manager, WFP news update, 26th September 1995
"We simply do not know
if he is testing us, planning an attack on Kuwait or planning to murder more of his own
people. Any action by him is madness, but then hes mad, so who knows?"
- Unidentified Pentagon
official, September 1995, as quoted in The Scourging of Iraq by Geoff Simons
"Believe me, it contains
very sophisticated technology."
- Unidentified Washington
spokesman describing a corroded gadget that was fished out of the Tigris
river, Baghdad, 11th October
1995, as quoted in The Scourging of Iraq by Geoff Simons
"It is generally agreed
that Iraq has already destroyed all of its weapons of mass destruction, either under
UN supervision, or in anticipation of allied bombing raids."
- Article in The Guardian, 4th October 1995
"Our policy is to keep
Iraq in its box."
- Unidentified Western diplomat, article in
The Guardian, 18th October 1995,
as quoted in The Scourging of Iraq by Geoff Simons
"What's the point of having
this superb military that you're always talking about if we can't use it?"
- Madeleine Albright, to General Colin Powell
who, strangely, was arguing that to deploy US troops required a political objective, as
quoted in Powell's book 'My American Journey', 1995.
"[Deliberate destruction of
public service infrastructure, notably electrical-power generation and distribution
facilities, so as to] .........degrade the will of the civilian population."
- 'Cruise Missiles: Proven Capability Should
Affect Aircraft and Force Structure Requirements' - Document 95-116. Washington, DC:
General Accounting Office, 1995
"The solution lies in adequate food supplies in the country, restoring
the viability of the local currency, and creating conditions for the people to acquire
adequate purchasing power. But these conditions can only be fulfilled if the economy can
be put back in proper shape enabling it to draw on its' own resources, and that clearly
can not occur as long as the embargo remains in force."
- UN Food and Agricultural Organisation, 1995
" 'The United States shifted its' deterrent strategy from the defunct Soviet Union
to so-called 'rougue states' such as Iraq, Libya, Cuba and North Korea.' AP reported. The
study advocated that the US exploit its' nuclear arsenal to portray itself as "...irrational
and vindictive if its' vital interests are attacked. [That] should be part of the national
persona we project to all adversaries. [...] It hurts to portray ourselves as too fully
rational and cool headed. [...] The fact that some elements [of the US government] may
appear to be potentially out of control can be beneficial to creating and reinforcing
fears and doubts within the minds of an adversary's decision makers."
- Excerpt from US Strategic Command report ' Essentials of Post Cold War Deterrence,'
1995, as reported by Associated Press and later
cited in 'Rogue States', article by Noam Chomsky, 1999. The report resurrected former US
President Richard Nixon's 'Mad-Man' theory of the 1970's, designed to prevent the Soviets
from interfering in US policy.
"Depleted
Uranium is more of a problem than we thought when it was developed. But it was developed
according to standards and was thought through very carefully. It turned out perhaps to be
wrong."
- Brent Scowcroft, former US National
Security Advisor, 'Riding The Storm' - Channel 4 documentary, 3rd January 1996
"The level of malnutrition is on a par
with famine ravaged countries like Sudan."
- John English, British Red Cross, 29th January 1996
"The only people who are told what is
going on are the Americans and the British. We have asked them for a copy of the draft
agreement and a copy of the 20 conditions they have set, but we have not been given
anything."
- Unidentified member of the Sanctions
Committee, describing US and UK insistence on new conditions for Resolution 986, article
in The Guardian, April 1996
Stahl:
"The question is, are
they [sanctions] missing the mark?
.We have heard that half a million children have
died. I mean, this is more children than died in Hiroshima. Is the price worth it?
Albright:
"This is a very hard choice, but the
price
.we think the price is worth it."
- Interviewer Leslie Stahl questions
Madeleine Albright, CBS Television 60 Minutes, 12th May 1996
"It would be hard to
imagine sanctions being lifted whilst Saddam Hussein is still in power."
- Malcolm Rifkind, British
Foreign Secretary, quoted in The Guardian, 21stt May 1996
"Ministers deliberately
misled Parliament, but did not intend to mislead Parliament."
- Conclusion of Lord Chief
Justice Scott's 'British Arms to Iraq' Inquiry, June 1996
"[It was]..the
rigorous implementation of a flexible interpretation."
- Michael Heseltine, former
British MP, on being asked during the Scott inquiry why Britain was exporting
dual-use items to Iraq in breach of the governments own ban on military
sales.
"One of the charges at the
time was that in some way, because I had been Foreign Secretary, Chancellor of the
Exchequer, Prime Minister, I must have known what was going on."
- John Major, in response to Lord Chief
Justice Scotts British Arms to Iraq enquiry, 1992
"Iraqis are congenital
liars."
- Article in The Observer, 9th June 1996
"[Iraq is trying ]
to turn this
humanitarian exception into a partial lifting of sanctions."
- James Rubin, US spokesman at the UN,
justifying the US rejection of Iraqs plans for food distribution under Resolution
986
"Limited but clear objectives
to
make Saddam pay a price for the latest act of brutality, reducing his ability to threaten
his neighbours and Americas interests."
- Bill Clinton, justifying renewed US air
strikes, 3rd September 1996
"Its all very helpful for oil
prices, and with the winter coming and low stocks, the price strength will remain."
- Irene Himona, oil analyst with Societe
Generale Strauss Turnbull, quoted in The Independent, 3rd September 1996
"Sanctions, as is generally recognised,
are a blunt instrument. They raise the ethical question of whether suffering inflicted on
vulnerable groups in the target country is a legitimate means of exerting pressure on
political leaders whose behaviour is unlikely to be affected by the plight of their
subjects."
- Nizar Hamdoon, Iraqi Ambassador to the UN,
addressing the Security Council, and quoting the UN Secretary Generals observation
made in 1995, 29th September
1996
"By so grudgingly acquiescing in it
[implementing Resolution 986] the US in effect concedes what others have long proclaimed:
prolonged sanctions do not punish President Saddam, only his people
..The US has
floundered about without any discernible plan for the future of Iraq. As long as that is
so, sanctions will come under the increasing assault of moral imperatives."
- Nizar Hamdoon, Iraqi
Ambassador to the UN, addressing the Security Council, 29th September 1996
"The majority of the population are
living below the poverty line and malnutrition is rampant with over 50% of women and
children receiving half their calorific needs."
- UN Information Centre, 20th October 1996
"It is hard to think of a more grave breach of child rights in modern
history than the suffering and death of hundreds of thousands of children under the age of
five caused by a political dispute between 'their' government and the international
community. The [UN] Security Council shoulders a large measure of responsibility for these
violations by maintaining sanctions without taking strong measures to prevent this
suffering."
- Centre For Social and Economic Rights (New York), 1996
"The full
ramifications
specifically the time lag between the initial flow of oil and the
actual delivery of foodstuffs, are only now becoming clear. I have had strong concerns
about the pace at which the provisions of SCR 986 are being implemented. [
] The
amount actually available for operational and administrative expenses has been very
limited. Several agencies have used their own funds to meet these costs. It appears
unlikely that all the humanitarian goods in the distribution plan will be delivered and
distributed within the initial 180 days established by the resolution."
- Kofi Annan, UN Secretary General, 10th March 1997
"We do not agree with
those nations who argue that if Iraq complies with its obligations concerning
weapons of mass destruction, sanctions should be lifted."
- Madeleine Albright,
addressing a symposium on Iraq at Georgetown University, USA, 26th March 1997
"Children will continue to die after the
agreement, since it does not correspond to the minimum needs of the civilian population.
It is a temporary and feeble measure, and it should not be characterised as
otherwise."
- Iraqi Minister for Foreign Affairs Al-Sahaf
describing Resolution 986 to the UN Sub-commission on Prevention of Discrimination and
Protection of Minorities, 25th
April 1997
"We are not saying Saddam is totally
respectful of human rights, but he is the one who is supporting us. Saddam is better than
the UN and he is much better than Turkey."
- Ahmet Vurgun, Kurdish refugee crossing to
the border from Turkey into Iraq to seek sanctuary, as witnessed by the UN High
Commissioner for Refugess, May 1997
"Saddam Hussein is the reason God
created Cruise Missiles. Cruise Missiles are simply the only way to deal with him. [...]
If and when Saddam pushes beyond the brink, and we get that one good shot, let's make sure
it's a head shot."
- Thomas Friedman, New York Times columnist, from his article 'Head Shot,' 6th Novermber
1997
"Sanctions will be there
until the end of time, or as long as he [Hussein] lasts."
- Former US President Bill Clinton, quoted in The New York Times, 23rd November
1997
"The Arab Monetary Fund has
estimated the value of destroyed infrastructure and economic assets attributable to the
1991 Gulf war at $232 billion."
- Dr. Eric Hoskins, in his report
Political Gain and Civilian Pain, December 1997
"Britain has been a major force
in world affairs for several centuries. No British Patriot should be willing to give up
that status."
- Tony Blair, British Prime
Minister, 1997
"[I advocate] bombing Iraq over and over and over again."
- Thomas Friedman, New York Times columnist, from his article 'America's
Multiple Choice Quiz,' 31st January 1998
"The United States did want Saddam Hussein to
go, they just didn't want the Iraqi people to take over."
- Peter Jennings, ABC News, 7th February 1998
"I am willing to make a bet to
anyone here that we care more about the Iraqi people than Saddam Hussein does."
- Madeleine Albright,
open meeting in Town Hall, Columbus, Ohio, 18th February 1998. Over a million Iraqis
had died from sanctions and bombing at the time of her statement.
"If we have to use force it is
because we are America! We are the indispensible nation. We stand tall, and we see further
into the future."
- Madeleine Albright, NBC
Televsion 'Today' show, 19th February 1998
"The new Oil-For-Food deal
could solve the humanitarian crisis. It could pay for the food and medicines that the
Iraqi people need so badly
could restore clean water and proper sanitation to
hundreds and thousands of Iraqis, restore electricity to their homes and help the farmers
increase their output."
- Robin Cook, British Foreign
Secretary, article in The Guardian, entitled Saddam is to Blame, 20th February
1998 (Cook does not mention the other 21.5 million strong population.)
"The US has to make clear to Iraq and US allies that [....] America will use
force, without negotiation, hesitation or UN approval."
- Thomas Friedman, New York Times columnist, from his article 'Craziness Pays,'
24th February 1998
"We wish him well, and when he comes back we will see what he has brought and how
it fits with our national interest."
- Madeleine Albright, describing UN Secretary General Kofi Annan's diplomatic
mission to Iraq, February 1998. On Annan's return, having reached an agreement with the
government of Iraq, Albright re-iterated: "It is possible he will come
with something we don't like, in which case we will pursue our national interest."
"To say they [UNSCOM] have
found enough weapons to kill the world several times over is equivalent to the statement
that a man who produces a million sperm a day can thus produce a million babies a day. The
problem in both cases is one of delivery systems."
- Dr. Julian Perry Robinson, Science
Policy Research Unit, rebuffing British prime Minister Tony Blairs assertions about
the threat of Iraqi weapons, article in The Independent, 7th March 1998
"Gas masks are not required
[
] and are not distributed to Embassy staff. [The Embassy is]
.not even
interested in finding a source for gas masks
[due to UNSCOMs presence in Iraq
and]
the fact that biological and chemical warheads are very ineffective."
- Jim Larocco, US Ambassador to
Kuwait, briefing US businessmen visiting Kuwait, as quoted in The Independent, 7th March
1998
"Saddam Hussein already has the
resources to enable the Iraqi health service to function properly. The government shares
your concerns about the humanitarian situation in Iraq and has sympathy for the people of
Iraq. Sanctions are aimed at the Iraq regime and not at them."
- Middle East Department of the
British Foreign Office, responding to a letter from an anti-sanctions campaigner, 18th May
1998
"The truth of the matter is
that the government of Iraq has no role, however small, which allows it to respond to the
allegations contained in claims. It is unable to give its legal and objective
opinion on claims, even when those are exaggerated. The Compensation Commission decides
which claims should be settled, who is authorised to submit a claim, what should be
considered direct losses, and what constitutes sufficient proof. [
] These measures
create a legal screen which conceals the systematic subjugation of the Iraqi people. There
are no reasonable grounds for this collective punishment of the Iraqi people. If this is
not done [the verification of claims in accordance with international law and the rules of
justice and equity] the compensation process will become simply an organised operation to
strip the Iraqi people of their property, which they desperately need in order to rebuild
their society and economy."
- Tariq Aziz, Iraqi Deputy Prime
Minister expressing concerns about reparations / compensations being paid to Kuwait from
the proceeds of Resolution 986, in a letter to Secretary General Kofi Annan, 27th May 1998
"We are looking at ways now,
together with the Americans, of the possibility of removing Saddam Hussein
altogether."
- Tony Blair, addressing the House
of Commons, July 1998
"It is important to note the
order of magnitude of the weapons retained by Iraq; two thirds of the operational missile
force [and] more than one half of the chemical weapons."
- Richard Butler, Chairman of
UNSCOM, article in The Guardian quoting a comment made by him in June, 5th August 1998
"If this were a five lap race,
we were halfway into the fifth lap. Why stop the race when youre getting toward the
finishing line? [I am]
mystified by Baghdads action when
resolution of several issues was near. The inspectors were apparently close, in the areas
of missiles and chemical weapons, to being able to declare Iraq had complied with UN
resolutions."
- Richard Butler, in an
extraordinary about-face, quoted in The Independent, 6th August 1998
"If Iraq does not honour
its agreements then it would be profoundly wrong for the international community to
reward its intransigence by lifting sanctions regardless."
- Robin Cook, article in The Times,
8th August 1998
"The discussions were certainly
long winded, alternately chilling or tedious in their subject matter: exactly how many
Iraqi warheads were filled with Anthrax spores before they were destroyed in 1992? Was a
donkey, used in a biological experiment, tethered to a car or not? How many punctures were
there in the tyres of an Iraqi convoy taking weapons to destruction pits seven years
ago?"
- Article in The Independent
describing the UNSCOM / Iraq negotiations, 9th August 1998
"Saddam Hussein has wrestled
himself to the ground. He is stuck in a box and he has thrown away the key."
- Madeleine Albright, quoted in the
Financial Times, 10th August 1998
"Im somebody who
doesnt support the continuation of sanctions
.I think theyre a horrible
tool
..sanctions only punish the people of Iraq, they dont punish this [Iraqi]
regime."
- Scott Ritter, former team leader
UNSCOM, who resigned in protest of the "
US and UK interference in my
work
" BBC Radio 4, 29th September 1998
"We are in the process of
destroying an entire society. It is as simple and as terrifying as that. It is illegal and
immoral."
- Denis Halliday, former UN
Humanitarian Aid Co-Ordinator, in his resignation speech, 30th September 1998
"4000 to 5000 children are
dying every month due to the impact of sanctions because of the breakdown of water and
sanitation, inadequate diet, and the bad internal health situation."
- Denis Halliday, 14th October 1998
"Sanctions are
inhuman and what we are doing can not redress that inhumanity."
- Margaret Hassan,
CARE International Baghdad, quoted in The Independent, 15th October 1998
"I personally
believe, as I think a lot of security Council members believe with 100% certainty, that
Iraq being fully disarmed is never going to be possible. At the end of the day the
Security Council must decide whether Iraq is disarmed to the extent that it is not a
threat to its neighbours, that it has no weapons of mass destruction, and that it
has no capacity to make weapons of mass destruction."
- Kofi Annan, quoted in the
International Herald Tribune, 19th October 1998
"[This figure would only have]
helped in preventing further deterioration of the humanitarian situation."
- Kofi Annan, report to the Security
Council describing the lack of revenue available under the Oil-For-Food programme, 19th
November 1998
"The most I can say is that in a number of key areas the
[oil-for-food] program has stopped the situation from getting worse. In other areas it has
slowed down the rate of deterioration."
- Benon Sevan, Executive Director of the Office of the Iraq Program in the U.N.
Secretariat, November 1998
"We have allowed Saddam to sell
oil to buy as much food and medicine for the Iraqi people as necessary."
- Tony Blair, November 1998
"A strong, sustained series of
air strikes [
.] to attack Iraq's nuclear, chemical and biological weapons programs.
Their purpose is to protect the national interest of the United States, and indeed the
interests of people throughout the Middle East and around the world."
- Bill Clinton, describing
Operation Desert Fox, 17th December 1998. Tony Blair, live on television,
stood in front of a Christmas tree to make his statment that Britain was attacking Iraq
" [There is]
No
question
[that Desert Fox was unlawful]
It is illegal to attack
with bombs targets in a sovereign country without direct authorisation from the Security
Council."
- Lord Dennis Healey, Former British
Foreign Secretary, quoted in the Daily Telegraph, 21st December 1998
"World-wide, poverty is the
main determinant of malnutrition and child mortality. Hence it is not surprising that
artificially induced poverty by economic embargo produces the same results. Deprivation
and excess deaths are real in Iraq, and I can personally attest to the devastating effects
of the embargo on ordinary life from having been a member of three UN food and nutrition
missions. Sanctions are not the humane alternative to war that they are purported to be,
and if there were justice in this world these actions promoted by the US and Britain in
the name of the UN would be seen as the crime against humanity that they are."
- Dr. Peter Pellet, Professor of
Nutrition at the University of Massachusetts, quoted in The Guardian Weekly, 10th January
1999
"[They were] surely intended
and understood to be a message of contempt for the Security Council. This action is in
fact a call for a lawless world in which the powerful will rule. The powerful happen to be
the United States and Britain, which is by now a pathetic puppy dog that has abandoned any
pretence of being an independent state."
- Professor Noam Chomsky, article in
Frontline magazine, 13th January 1999
"Since Iraq can not meet even
the existing UN oil sales quotas because of the low price of crude, the practical effect
would be small. But the political effect would be huge: Britain would be free of claims
that it is punishing the Iraqi people."
- Article in The Times, describing
the gesture of lifting the cap on Iraqi oil sales under Resolution 986, and Britains
support for it, 14th January 1999
"To keep pumping and exporting
its oil, Iraq must upgrade and update its entire production sector. But
Washington has refused to entertain such a possibility, just as it has rejected efforts to
bring new fields into production."
- Article in The Irish Times,
describing US pressure on Iraq, 14th January 1999
"With Saddam rattled, now is the time to really rattle his cage. Turn up the
volume on 'Radio Free Iraq' to extra loud and call for his ouster twenty four hours a day:
"All Saddam, all the time." Take steps to have Saddam declared a war criminal by
the UN. Blow up a different power station in Iraq every week, so no-one knows when the
lights will go off or who's in charge. Offer a reward for removing Saddam from office.
Use every provocation by Saddam to blow up another Iraqi general's home
- Thomas Friedman, New York Times columnist, from his article 'Rattling the Rattler,'
24th February 1998
"This month US policy will kill
4,500 children under the age of five in Iraq, according to UN studies. This is not foreign
policy it is state sanctioned mass murder that is nearing holocaust
proportions."
- Professor Noam Chomsky, Edward
Hermann, Edward Said and Howard Zinn, letter to The Independent, 21st January 1999
"The US regrets any civilian
casualties, but has no independent evidence that any Iraqis were killed."
- Ken Bacon, US Pentagon spokesman
describing US missiles that struck the al-Jumhuriya residential district of Basra, and
unidentified missiles hitting the village of Abu-Khasib, January 25th 1999.
The UN reported that 17 people had been killed, approx. 100 injured and approx. 45 houses
damaged or destroyed.
"We have to continue making
these air strikes in order to carry on with our humanitarian work."
George Robertson, British Minister
of Defence (later to become the head of NATO), BBC Television, 28th January 1999
"The continual TV images of the
Wests high-technology systems causing death and destruction to people in the Third
World will not be tolerated forever by civilised people."
- General Michael Rose, former UN
Force Commander in Bosnia condemning Desert Fox and the ongoing air offensive,
January 1999
"We bought seven years and
thats not bad
.the longer we can fool around in the [Security] Council and keep
things static the better."
- Unidentified US official with
..responsibility for Iraq
, as quoted in The Washington Post, 28th
January 1999
"We simply can not let two [UN]
member states continue to pervert the UN into a weapon of mass destruction."
- Denis Halliday, quoted in The
Seattle Post Intelligencer, 12th February 1999
"The gravity of the
situation is indisputable and can not be overstated. The magnitude of the humanitarian
needs is such that they can not be met within the context of the parameters set forth in
SCR 986 and succeeding SCR 1153
..nor was the programme intended to meet all the
needs of the Iraqi people. [
.] Given the present state of infrastructure, the
revenue required for its rehabilitation is far above the funding level available
under SCRs 986 and 1153. [
.] Under current conditions the outlook will remain bleak
and become more serious with time. The humanitarian situation will continue to be a dire
one in the absence of a sustained revival of the Iraqi economy."
- Conclusion of the UN humanitarian
panel set up in late January to additionally assess needs of the 986 program, March 1999